By Zama Khumalo
The state sometimes is referred to as a “contested terrain”. Let me quote the ANC’s Joel Netshitenzhe on this as he said it in ‘The Principles of Relations’ published with City Press last month, that the state “is a non-partisan instrument of society as a whole” and therefore it is “a multi-class entity and contested terrain.”
“The [political] party exercises its electoral mandate through the government, which in turn leads the state,” he writes on 29 May.
The South African state is a terrain contested indeed – and it is contested by the white ruling class and the various black political leaders.
Black people can only contest within the state terrain, legally, only after they have elected their political leaders to form government, government that will in turn lead the state. Then whites on the other hand can only contest the state terrain once they have formed very big private companies which will also lead the state.
In this case, there are two structures in South Africa that the term ‘government’ can refer to – and that is, the Public Government of the Rebublic of South Africa and the Private Government of the Global Elite.
Two governments, only two governments in South Africa lead the state. And because the Public Government of South Africa is not independent of the United Nations, the Public Government of the World, and because the Private Government of the economic owners of South Africa is also not independent of the global white elite, the country’s Shadow President, or the President of the Private Government of the Global Elite in South Africa,is Nicholus Oppenheimer, the grand-child of Ernest Oppenheimer, the direct descendant of arch-imperialist Cecil Rhodes of the controversial British South African Company.
When he established the Anglo-American Company to take over from the colonial work of the dead Rhodes in the early 1900s, Nicholus’ grand-father worked to control the government that controlled the people of South Africa as a capitalist head of state belonging to the Private Government contesting the state with Apartheid politicians of the Public Government of the Republic of South Africa.
Therefore, Nicholus is an equal to Jacob Zuma – both are heads of state, because through Anglo-American, he controls a string of companies in all areas of human activities, in finance, entertainment, medication, media, printing, forestry, manufacturing, communication, law, farming, fishing, mining, food production, etc and he and a string of other powerful whites have established the network of companies as a strategic source of the power of whites.
On the other hand, blacks vote for the political party which in turn enters government and leads the state in order to establish also their strategic source of power.
Now, they did it and the person they voted for was Zuma.This Zuma, because he is a leader of a black structure, doesn’t have powers over Oppenheimer in that Oppenheimer is in charge of the five the most powerful structures of human dominance: finance, mining, media, law and intelligence.
Oppenheimer’s intelligence network is integrated with the media and Mzilikazi wa Africa of the Times Media is the Shadow Prosecutor belonging to the judicial organs of the state of the Private Government.
Though the Public Director of the National Prosecuting Authority, Shaun Abrahams, is a gritty man committed to winning cases in courts, he doesn’t have powers over wa Africa because wa Africa belongs to the most powerful of the two governments, the Private Government.
All the banks in South Africa, Standard Bank, First National Bank, including the South African Reserve Bank, forms part of the companies directly or indirectly controlled by the Oppenheimer dynasty and its global hierarchical handlers.
So, in this way, though Parliament, the Public Government of Zuma and the courts are independent of each other as required by the Constitution but they are not independent of the South African Private Government in the real defination of the word ‘independence’.
The Finance Minister of the Public Government of the Rebublic of South Africa is a member of Parliament and accounts to the private owners of the Reserve Bank of South Africa who are the hierarchical global handlers of the Anglo-American Group.
The Ministry of State Security, under David Mahlobo of the Public Government, the establishment of black power, is supposed to account to the Sunday Times and City Press newspapers but the owners of the economy of South Africa just find this impossible. This is because Mahlobo, unlike Ronnie Kasrils, is more loyal to the commitments of the Public Government than the ones imposed by the executives of the Private Government – which is, at the current moment at war with the Public Government for the purposes of firm state capture.
Once the direction of the state is pushed towards serving the needs of private individual monopoly capitalists, blacks lose control of the essential and strategic sources of the social and natural energies (wealth) of their country to the vanguard of the imperialists, “the investors”, the Private Government and this will in turn be used by the same whites to defeat them in the wars against the mind, the body and the soul.
“There was much speculation,” a spokesperson of the Private Government, a Marianne Merten wrote in one of their official publications, the Daily Maverick, “as to whether Mahlobo got the job to represent Mpumalanga’s pro-Zuma premier David Mabuza at a national level”.
In another article, called ‘The Sinister Securocracy’, Mahlobo is seen by Merten as someone who is spreading“clandestinity to many issues”.
“[By] vowing state security would lead the way in securing the country’s territorial integrity, people, infrastructure and national interest, Mahlobo spread clandestinity to many issues that should be dealt with at the level of governance, politics, law and effective policing. This goes against the grain of South Africa’s constitutional democracy,” Merten blasted.
By utilizing the media they own, members of the Private Government are within the “contested terrain” called the “state” and are actually taking charge but are worried that the State Security Ministry is not puppet enough to cooperate with their own intelligence apparus, the media, in the hopeless struggle to topple Zuma as a head of the state of the other government, the Public Government.
The Private Government is in charge of the state in all areas of human activities. They print money and control its supply. They use this control of the print and the supply of money to establish how much food society will need during a specific period of time.
The newspapers that we read everyday are dependent of the owners of the banking companies and they do not publish things which expose their bosses. The banking houses are regarded as the Union Building of the Private Government, while the various ‘non-profiting’ foundations and the Democratic Alliance assume the role of what is normally regarded as Luthuli House by members of the Public Government.
Because the Private Government is a form of a parasitic government as its existence is the result of various long-established colonial programmes of hijacking the normal functioning of the state of the indigenous people of South Africa, members of the Private Government rely both from the South African Police Service and their networks of private security companies for security and a collection of all the private armies of the Private Government is more powerful than all cops combined in South Africa. Early this year, officials of the Private Government blasted Zuma for wanting to sign the Private Security Industry Regulation Amendment Bill, which was to forced “forein-owned private security firms to sell off atleast 51 percent of shares to South African citizens,” saying that the Public Government doesn’t have “a proper grasp of the impact of legislation and bills that are negatively received by foreign investors” as the lawyer of the Private Security Industry, Martin Hood, was quoted as saying in the Eye Witness News on 21 January 16. He threatened: “It’s quite straightforward to say that this government would enact this legislation because they simply don’t understand consequences.”
In another article, published by City Press last year October, ‘Private Security Amendment Bill The Enemy of South Africa’s economy’, Dewald van Rensburg, described signing of the bill as an action “banning majority foreign ownership of security companies in South Africa” and that, according to ‘economist’ Roelof Botha, this would “flow directly from trade retaliation from the US and the European Union if South Africa enacts the Private Security Industry Regualtion Amendment Bill with section 20 (a) on foreign ownership intact”.
“In reality, it is an impact assessment of a hypothetical 10% drop in South Africa’s exports to the US and to Europe. It is based on the assumption that the Americans will kick South Africa out of the African Growth and Opportunity Act because of the security bill,” van Rensburg said.