By BO Staff Writer
Verashni Pillay, former editor of Mail and Guardian (M&G) and now former editor of Huffington Post South Africa (HuffPostSA) as well, quit at the latter publication under a cloud of a fake news scandal.
A few weeks ago, the HuffPostSA’s blog section published an article by a supposed white feminist and MA philosophy student, Shelley Garland titled ‘Could It Be Time To Deny White Men The Franchise‘. Garland’s argument was that the world’s biggest injustices and inequalities are due to the votes of white men, and if they would be denied the vote for at least 20 years, the world would be a better place (we suppose ‘Garland’ didn’t consider the fact that white women are as equally culpable in the world’s injustices as white men and that even if white men didn’t vote, white women would take up the cudgels of white power and carry on from where their racial siblings left-off – we wrote about this here.)
It all turned out that the piece was fake, and that the white woman, Garland, was also fake. The article had been written by a white male, Marius Roodt, as a hoax. HuffPostSA, one of the many white-owned mainstream news publications (it’s owned by Media24) which denounces #FakeNews and prides itself on upholding journalistic standards like fact-checking and ‘objectivity’, was caught with its pants down. Shamed by the scandal, Pillay resigned (some speculate that Pillay was forced to resign by her white bosses).
HuffPostSA, and indeed Pillay, are the media arm of the regime change agenda – proudly calling for the removal of the president and peddling the lies that the state has been “captured” by one family – the Guptas. Pillay is also a white monopoly capital denialist – claiming that the term is used to deflect attention from the Guptas.
Pillay is one of the many journalists in South Africa who took the former public protector’s State of Capture report as gospel – smearing the name of anyone who dared go against it. As part of white monopoly capital’s propaganda war to shield itself from scrutiny, black editors and journalists like Pillay, Ferial Haffajee, Justice Malala, Ranjeni Munusamy, amongst others, were used to misinform the public and deny the historical fact of the existence of a white monopoly capital and it’s current imperialist onslaught.
In the past, Pillay has gone out of her way to protect white capitalists like Johann Rupert. Many, including the Economic Freedom Fighters’ Mbuyiseni Ndlozi, are bemoaning the resignation of Pillay, saying that the only reason why Pillay received so much backlash was because she published a piece which threathened the well-being of white men. They say white men are using their power & privilege to threaten the livelihood of a black woman because they feel uncomfortable, offended and undermined. This is all true of course, but it is interesting that such a critique comes from people who deny that the only reasons why the Guptas are currently receiving so much backlash from all quarters of society is because they threatened white power by taking business directly away from white men.
Pillay is experiencing the wrath and power of the same white monopoly capital (white men) she denies exists. This is true to the statement often made by Black First Land First (BLF) movement’s president, Andile Mngxitama, that in the eyes of white supremacy and white monopoly capital, we are all black and black people should all tow the line. If they don’t (or are perceived not to be doing so), they will be next on the chopping block. Today it is Zuma and the Guptas, tomorrow it is you!
A strategy of denial
Late last month, the former public protector Thuli Madonsela conducted an interview with Al jazeera where, if anyone had doubts of her allegiances to whiteness, they became glaringly apparent. Madonsela laboured to show that white people are not the problem in South Africa. In the cringeworthy interview, she exposed her complete lack of knowledge of the race and land questions.
Carrying on with her defense of whiteness, Madonsela then said that white monopoly capital is a created narrative designed to deflect attention away from the Guptas and blame white people for everything. She said, “There is now a new term: “white monopoly capital”. But if capital is the problem, then it is a problem – black or white. I think that white monopoly capital is a narrative brought in to place blame on something for people’s suffering, and everyone who disagrees is an “agent”.”
Madonsela went to Twitter to further continue with her pro-white propaganda and white monopoly capital denialism, claiming that the term white monopoly capital came into existence after the release of her flawed State of Capture report, thereby pushing Rupert’s position that white monopoly capital is a myth and the term was created by the PR firm, Bell Pottinger.
Along with the above mentioned black editors, Madonsela is a handy weapon in white capital’s propaganda war. She has been propelled to saintly levels because she put all her energies in investigating Zuma and the Guptas. For doing this, she was rewarded handsomely by Stellenbosch Mafia, Rupert, with a job at the Stellenbosch University, where Rupert is a chancellor.
Johann Rupert’s propaganda war
White monopoly capital is embodied by a group of wealthy white families, CEO’s and businessmen in South Africa. These capitalists have their filthy hands in literally all industries, which they have monopolised so that black businesses have no chance of getting in, let alone thriving.
The number one chief of monopoly capitalists is Rupert, the man who has been dubbed the Stellenbosch Mafia. Through his various media connects, Rupert has been the peddler of the lie that White Monopoly Capital is a creation of his former PR firm, Bell Pottinger – which the Guptas snatched from him right under his nose.
Rupert is the chairman of luxury goods Swiss company Richemont. He is also the chairman of South African company Remgro which owns shares in all sectors of the South African economy, including, and most importantly, the media.
Rupert’s Remgro has shares in Caxton (which publishes the Citizen newspapers and has its roots in the apartheid publishing house Perskor), Kagiso media (which owns Jacaranda FM and Kaya FM amongst others), eMedia (which owns eTV & eNCA) and interests in apartheid Afrikaner publisher, Naspers (which publishes almost all of the newspapers in the market). This means that Rupert has a stake in all the media establishments in the country. For an indepth look at Johann Rupert’s media cartel connections, read here.
With a monopoly on the media and the economy, Rupert is able to direct his agents to weave anti-black narratives and close ranks for black business. It is no wonder then that people like Verashni Pillay and Thuli Madonsela, sing tunes from the same song as Rupert.
White monopoly capital in South Africa is proof of the saying that those in power own not only the means of production, but also the means to create public opinion. Public opinion is swayed to villify the Guptas in a desperate attempt to keep black people’s views fragmented and to redirect their energy away from fighting their real enemy, white people.